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Politics and Passion: Toward a More Egalitarian Liberalism, by Michael Walzer
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Liberalism is egalitarian in principle, but why doesn’t it do more to promote equality in practice? In this book, the distinguished political philosopher Michael Walzer offers a critique of liberal theory and demonstrates that crucial realities have been submerged in the evolution of contemporary liberal thought.
In the standard versions of liberal theory, autonomous individuals deliberate about what ought to be donebut in the real world, citizens also organize, mobilize, bargain, and lobby. The real world is more contentious than deliberative. Ranging over hotly contested issues including multiculturalism, pluralism, difference, civil society, and racial and gender justice, Walzer suggests ways in which liberal theory might be revised to make it more hospitable to the claims of equality.
Combining profound learning with practical wisdom, Michael Walzer offers a provocative reappraisal of the core tenets of liberal thought. Politics and Passion will be required reading for anyone interested in social justiceand the means by which we seek to achieve it.
- Sales Rank: #1101674 in eBooks
- Published on: 2005-02-11
- Released on: 2005-02-11
- Format: Kindle eBook
Most helpful customer reviews
4 of 7 people found the following review helpful.
Not His Finest Effort
By Thomas A. Hanson
It's not that I disagree with Walzer's ideas in "Politics and Passion," it's that I find them unexceptionable to a rather boring degree. Even the title essay lacks the fire that I look for in a political essay. Unless the reader wishes to be a Michael Walzer "completist," to read every word he writes, I would suggest purchasing an earlier collection called "Arguing About War." Walzer at his best is possibly our most humane political thinker, and an essay such as "Can There Be a Decent Left" would be required reading in my utopia. I eagerly await his next book and hope it avoids the blandness of this one.
0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
provocative and timely
By Stanley Crowe
I want to second the review of this book by "Freeborn John" (9/20/2011) which lays forth clearly and succinctly the focus of Walzer's book and its starting point with the idea of our "pluriform identities" that result from what Walzer calls our involuntary associations -- the groups we are born into before we can choose and which might, at any time and in any society, be a relatively disadvantaged group. The business of politics as Walzer sees it here is to negotiate something closer to parity with the advantaged groups, some of which might be involuntary too (like an aristocracy, for example) but others of which might be voluntary ( e. g. a trade union, a chamber of commerce). Politics, then, isn't just a matter of "me" -- the individual, relatively rational agent -- seeking to maximize my "happiness"; rather, it has to do with the way that public policies impact the interactions of groups so that the powerful are limited in their ability to organize everything for their own interests only. Framing the issue at the degree of abstraction that I have here makes it easy to forget that, down in the weeds where it matters, things can be quite difficult to resolve -- matters of race, ethnicity, gender, poverty, ideological commitment, multiculturalism, etc. inevitably surface, and what we call justice or fairness -- which is what freedom makes meaningful -- requires hard and careful thinking and delicate social interaction.
Walzer's chapters in this book seem to have been originally published as individual essays. He has done some re-writing, and he has written "connective tissue" to give his ordering of the essays the feel of a consecutive argument, and by and large, I think he has done so quite successfully. Where there is a "break" in the consecutiveness might be at the point where he turns to consider "passion" in politics, and one could argue that Walzer could do more to tie that discussion to his earlier discussion of identities. However, what he has to say about passion seems sensible -- he is arguing against a rationalist, communitarian notion of a society in which all conflict can be resolved by reasonable conversation and compromises. He quite rightly sees that there are at least two problems with this: one is that, where issues of serious injustice are concerned, compromise is inappropriate and undesirable. His other point is the more telling one -- it is not only undesirable to seek to banish passion from politics: it is impossible, and it is really foolish even to try. He isn't blind to the dangers in a polity that passion can cause, but to seek the ideal of a passion-free politics is a fool's errand.
25 of 27 people found the following review helpful.
Raises some interesting issues about liberalism
By Jill Malter
Nobody ought to expect political ethics to be easy. And maybe that's a good way to start thinking about the topics in this book. Walzer asks us some tough questions right away.
Try this one first. Should liberals be tolerant of totalitarian groups within their society? There is no easy answer. If we rule that some religious parents have no right to raise their children in religious schools we would be saying, in effect, "We're tolerant! We're liberals! We tolerate all liberals! And we don't tolerate others, but so what ... they're different than us!"
Obviously, that won't do at all.
If we go to the other extreme, and tolerate everyone, no matter how much of a threat they are to our society, that won't work either. If we smugly decide to do something in between these two extremes, that means being arbitrary rather than following easily applied principles.
Walzer concludes that when "political power is at stake, we should tilt decisively against the totalizing groups," just for the sake of decency. But he reminds us that this is merely a guideline. "It doesn't solve the problem of day-to-day coexistence." Such problems require "a long and unstable series of compromises."
The author also talks about involuntary associations, such as family or cultural group. Are we morally obliged to defend our families or cultural groups if they are attacked? Walzer thinks we generally are.
Walzer also asks about the concept of deliberation. That's different than debate, which is simply a contest in which one tries to win, even with an unsound argument. Deliberation involves trying to make as good a decision as possible about what policy to pursue. Here, the author points out that liberal societies debate thinkable policies with great freedom. But they also define what policies are thinkable, and those which are not simply don't get brought up.
A final topic is passion in politics. Do we want our villains to be cold and calculating? Or wild and frenzied? Do we need more passion or less?
I guess I disagree with the author here. Any human is likely to be passionate enough about any interesting issue, the more so if there is widespread debate about it. As a liberal, I'm not afraid of fickleness on social issues. I'm not afraid of having kids disagree politically with their parents. But I am afraid of people going overboard and taking dubious and illogical political positions, unsupported by facts, which they then passionately refuse to reconsider.
In any case, the author has some good ideas, and I recommend the book.
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